Tuesday, 11 January 2011

FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION AND EDUCATION IN THEORITICAL OVERVIEW

"By Beny Trias Oktora Master of Arts in International Development and Cooperation at Korea University Graduate School of International Studies"

1. Conception of Decentralization in Economics


Foundation of fiscal decentralization theory lays on economic efficiency of allocation of public goods and services or efficiency of resource allocation, welfare gains of locally provision of public goods and services and mobility citizen to choose their preferences that are offered by local government as implied in Tiebout Model. Fiscal decentralization is one of sub divisions of public finance that discusses specifically on how a state manages their revenue and expenditure in accordance with basic principle of economics. Fiscal decentralization is mostly related with allocation function of economics. In first section of Chapter Two, this thesis focuses on discussion of theory of fiscal decentralization

United States is considered as origin of fiscal decentralization theory or fiscal federalism theory. In United States, public finance has reached advance development that indicated from innovation to grant local government to administer its local fiscal policy. Gramlich (1993) simply stated that in the name budget deficit, federal government has to decentralize its fiscal. By cutting state and local grants to local government federal government can reduce its deficit.
Tiebout (1961) in An Economic Theory of Fiscal Decentralization emphasized theory of fiscal decentralization from economic perspectives which are from supply and demand. Tiebout neutralizes political elements however decentralize in fiscal involves multilevel government. In supply side Tiebout discussed how to provide public goods and services efficiency. Branches of government central government and local government proceed as “production site” of public goods and services. Within centralism framework, central government assumes that their citizen had the same preferences of public goods and services so that central government provides public goods and services in uniformity modes. Regardless, there are some variations that exist in whole country.

By showing simple calculation of providing public goods inside municipal, Tiebout clearly described that in scope of municipal uniformity of public goods can meet criteria of economic efficiency. Important elements of Tiebout`s calculation, fire services and police patrol service, per square miles area of municipal and cost of provision public goods that in “U” shape.
Oates (2005) in Toward a Second-Generation Theory of Fiscal Federalism reviewed evolution of fiscal decentralization which has been evolved. First generation of fiscal decentralization theory explored from supply side which means how efficient of local public good being provided by local government. Whereas second generation put local government as private company that should compete with other local government in attracting citizen by providing best local public good or preferences. The assumption is citizen is mobile to find better preferences of them. As author observed from some articles that also become this thesis references, decentralization has space to explore either in political science or economics. Oates (2005) emphasized the second generation of fiscal decentralization utilized each aspects or each parts that contained in decentralization to explore that are never studied before.

Another Charles M. Tiebout works that explored of local expenditure conception is worthy to discuss in this thesis. In A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures, Tiebout (1956) explains theory of local expenditure that had different interpretation even though theory of local expenditure had “up-branch” from theory of public finance. Tiebout answers analysis of Musgrave and Samuelson on federal expenditure that does not have any similarity to apply in local expenditure. Tiebout article is explaining expenditure of public goods that conducted by local government.

Precisely, Tiebout describes theory of local expenditure that is modified from Musgrave-Samuelson theory on of federal expenditure. Conception of Musgrave and Samuelson on public goods is ”collective consumption goods” so that there is no subtraction from other individual because state has already provided for all individuals. The central point of federal expenditure or unitary state expenditure is public goods. Both two different governments should produce public goods that match for citizen needs. The problem is how to determine citizen preferences or Samuelson describes citizen preferences of public goods as consumers of state or government that had rights as voters so author called them consumer voters. And the other one is at the same time consumer voters had rights of provision of public goods and also they are object of charging tax. If government had succeeded of discovering consumers voters preferences so government can easily provide public goods for consumers voters.

Difference between central and local provision of public goods is the central level the preferences of the consumer-voter are given, and the government tries to adjust to the pattern of these preferences, whereas at the local level a mixture of governments have their revenue and expenditure patterns more or less set. Given these revenue and expenditure patterns, the consumer-voter moves to that community whose local government best satisfies his set of preferences. To develop model of local expenditure, Tiebout develops several assumptions:

1. Consumer-voters are fully mobile and will move to that community where their preference patterns, which are set, are best satisfied.
2. Consumer-voters are assumed to have full knowledge of differences among revenue and expenditure patterns and to react to these differences.
3. There are a large number of communities in which the consumer-voters may choose to live.
4. Restrictions due employment opportunities are not considered. It may be assumed that persons are living on dividend income.
5. The public services supplied exhibit no external economies or diseconomies between communities.
6. The assumption that some factor is fixed explains why it is not possible for the community in question to double its size by growth. The factor may be the limited land area of a suburban community, combined with a set of zoning laws against apartment buildings. It may be the local beach, whose capacity is limited. Anything of this nature will provide a restraint.
7. The last assumption is that communities below the optimum size seek to attract new residents to lower average costs. Those above optimum size do just the opposite. Those at an optimum try to keep their populations constant.

Because of consumer voters are fully mobile to determine their preference simply they search the best preferences of those local governmentsscheme of expenditure. Public goods in provision by local government are different from central government.
Rubinchik-Pessach (2005) in “Can decentralization be beneficial?” is trying to identify the benefit of decentralization by building a model to present that decentralization, even though some argued about unitary or centralized government is cheaper and the coordination or asymmetry problem exist, is valuable to implement. Most of discussion in decentralization especially in fiscal federalism or fiscal decentralization is focus on asymmetry in policy or lack of information access that resulted poor of public goods provision because of delaying in public goods and services delivering. However, Rubinchik-Pessach argues that even when asymmetry on policy tools and lack of information access, fiscal decentralization fetches benefit or welfare to citizen.

Most argument to legalize and support theory of fiscal decentralization or decentralization itself is because bringing government closer to its citizen by forming local government or using author term other tier of government (put another tier of government in hierarchy of government) with devolving authority will improve of provision of public goods in local or regional area. Furthermore, government that closer to its people naturally will know better its people preferences of public goods and the result is fulfilling citizen needs accomplished. To prove that argument, Rubinchik-Pessach builds a model.

Why decentralization can generate benefit according to Rubinchik-Pessach`s model? Rubinchik-Pessach argues that the reason decentralization is beneficial is transparent: under the hierarchy each level filters correctly the corresponding type of public project, as the design of recognition rules for the central government is independent of the presence of good local projects. This is not true for the unitary government that is pushed for to choose a rule that is optimal bonaverage for both local and global projects.

Rubinchik-Pessach`s model offers an economic foundation for the subsistence of a hierarchical government, which may do better than the unitary one, even in the absence of the vertical asymmetric information within the hierarchy and even though the absolute advantage of the (upper) central government in making decisions with respect to public goods is evident. Rubinchik-Pessach argues that it is contrary to the accepted view, if the issues to be tackled by the government are mainly of local importance, although generating some spillovers, central government alone is sufficient and there is no need to decentralize.

The hierarchy induces specialization of each level on the corresponding issues, thus, enhancing the overall welfare, which can justify possible costs associated with the additional level of government. Therefore, the main argument does not come from an assumed not efficient of a central government whereas lay on the idea of specialization.

Rubinchik-Pessach from another angle has captured that even without any asymmetry and globally opened information in provision of public goods, fiscal decentralization is beneficial in transparency and specialization. Each tier of government in term of doing filters of public project could select appropriate public project. Mixed of author skills in formulating ideas in decentralization and mathematical format skills has produced very different analysis of the beneficial analysis of fiscal decentralization. Cleverly author has been formulated the core principle of decentralization both in political field and economical field i.e. public finance. For example, in Rubinchik-Pessach`s model clearly author stated political systems in unitary and hierarchal government and how the flow of public finance goes in financing public project for sake of citizen. Rubinchik-Pessach`s article, is her dissertation, has given significant contribution in the study of decentralization and fiscal federalism or fiscal decentralization. Rubinchik-Pessach`s idea and argument are inclusive because author can combine theory of decentralization in domain of political science and theory of decentralization in public finance or economic science.

Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) in Why Countries are Fiscally Decentralizing had simple goal which is going to search and find the reason why countries are more decentralize in fiscal using 48 countries that lay in all continents as sample during 25 years since 1960 to 1995. To attain that goal Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) developed model and investigated what factors or determinants that force countries to put into practice fiscal decentralization.
Using those data, Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) compare the data of degree centralization and decentralization year by year. The result was developed countries and countries in the former Soviet bloc and Latin America have the lowest centralization while Middle Eastern and Sub-Saharan African countries have the highest centralization.

To explaining why, Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) developed model which are consists of two models. In their model, Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) consider a country that comprises two regions. They name region 1, the coastal region, and region 2, the hinterland region. The country has a unitary government, which is located in the coastal region. The unitary government provides local public goods to both regions. Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) ask under what conditions the hinterland region would want to separate. By separation, hinterland region is willing to set up and finance a regional government in order to provide its own local public goods. Central government does not stay away from providing a set of national public goods to both regions, although, Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) formally ignore this possibility for the sake of simplicity.

In modeling separation, they deem three scenarios. In the base scenario, the population and individual incomes are fixed in each region and governmental institutions are perfectly democratic. As the first extension, they diverge from the base scenario by considering limited or partial democracy. The officials or political leaders in the central or local governmentsare elected by majority rule but those officials or political leaders bring some leverage over the importance of publicly provided goods. Furthermore, when the second extension, they consider briefly a case with a mobile population. In this case, both population and income in the two regions are endogenous.

Arzaghi and Henderson (2003) formulate hypothesis to develop their analysis. Under imperfect population mobility, with perfect democracy suggested that separation, or adoption of formal federal structures is promoted by (1) income growth, (2) population growth, (3) higher spatial decay of local public services provided to the hinterland by the central government, (4) relative income growth in the hinterland region, (5) relative population growth in the hinterland and (6) lower costs of government for the hinterland region. With imperfect democracy had the same hypotheses, plus the additional one that separation is promoted by there being a greater degree of local democratic culture, compared to the nation.

Then they tested the hypothesis. Empirically, federalism can be defined as an institutional all-or-nothing concept: does a country adopt a federal constitution, or does a county adopt a federal constitution (de jure) and also hold local elections (de facto)? They also built up an index of the degree of institutional federalism, or decentralization, for a more nuanced institutional approach. The institutional approach has the advantage of being directly connected to their model, which asks when countries will adopt a working federal constitution.

Though, in many different circumstances such as cultural, historical, and political, institutional structures are very rigid and change may involve almost unworkable political processes. In contrast fiscal structures are much more flexible and can be altered through legislative initiatives or even executive order. Thus, a unitary country which would have great difficulty altering its constitution in a twenty-year time framework can still decentralize fiscally and become de facto federalized. They also examine fiscal decentralization where there is a continuum of outcomes described by the degree of fiscal centralization, as measured by the central government’s share of government consumption. For this, they think of the forces towards separation, as the forces that move a country across that continuum, from a high degree of fiscal centralization to a low one.

In their article, they develop and test a simple model of fiscal decentralization within a country. They hypothesize that basic economic and demographic variables explain most of the observed variation in the degree of institutional and fiscal decentralization across countries. They find that income per capita, population, land area, and the degree of population concentration in the largest (typically capital) city in a country have large effects on the degree of decentralization. Income and population growth lead to decentralization, as does population decentralization. The degree of centralization in countries is largely explained by simple economic and demographic growth processes. However, at the end, they argue that institutions affect fiscal outcomes. Having a federal constitution encourages both effective federalism and fiscal decentralization. Also, national democratization leads to potentially regional representation and the development of regional demands for greater fiscal autonomy. They have developed refined argument to explain why there are tendencies that most government to fiscally decentralization.

2. Fiscal Decentralization and Provision of Public Goods and Services in Developing Countries

There are a lot of discussion related to fiscal decentralization that emphasizes the efficiency of allocation of resources or public goods provision and developing countries. Most of empirical works for example Tiebout (1956 and 1961) stressed on the efficiency of resource allocation and efficiency of public goods provision in some developing countries that are eager to put into practice fiscal decentralization in order to achieve of economic efficiency. Most of them are located in Latin America, South East Asia and transition countries explicitly ex-communist countries in Eastern Europe and ex-soviet region. This thesis presents articles of fiscal decentralization and provision of public goods and services that are closely related to Indonesia precisely in south east Asia and generally developing countries and excludes other regions which had different background.

Larry Schroeder (2003) in Fiscal Decentralization in South East Asia is reviewing the implementation of fiscal decentralization in four countries in south east Asia which are Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippine and Thailand and making lists of points that are using to assess the feature of development fiscal decentralization in that region (south east Asia). In the region, Philippine is considered leading in fiscal decentralization implementation followed by Indonesia and Thailand in the midst and Malaysia still not interesting in involving deeper in fiscal decentralization.

The checklists are developed by Schroeder for review as follows.

1. Constitutional or statutory basis for decentralization.
This benchmark emphasizes how important legal basis for fiscal decentralization so that guarantee of autonomous of local government in operating fiscal decentralization.
2. Genuine political commitment.
Moreover, the real support from political field is needed and it consider as important as legal basis. Because without any commitment from political field, local government autonomy is useless.
3. Explicit service assignments.
Division of responsibility after autonomy is obviously necessary. What sectors that belong to central government responsibility and what sectors that local government should manage so that there are no overlaps between central government affairs and local government affairs.
4. Granting local revenue raising authority with explicit autonomy.
As there are responsibilities for each tiers of government, there should be room for local government to search sources to finance those responsibilities through tax. Yet it is not became constraints for macroeconomics stability in the country.
5. Local decision-making powers provided.
Moreover, power in budget decision making is useful in undertaking provision of public goods and services especially to meet efficient allocation of resources in local region.
6. Capacity to carry out these powers.
Personnel of local government in carrying autonomy power in frame of fiscal decentralization should be ready in managing relatively large authority. If not, local government should put investment to improve their personnel skills.
7. Creation of an intergovernmental transfer program.
Intergovernmental transfer program is needed to be improved in manner of its simplicity and transparency as extensive of fiscal decentralization so that its system would be understood by all.
8. Public participation encouraged.
People participation to ensure local government is looking for their preferences is ultimate checklists. Without people voice that represent their preferences of public goods and services provision, theoretically foundation of fiscal decentralization is not working.
Based on that review lists, Schroeder reviewed Indonesia in second place below Philippine. There are some burdens such as relatively low personnel skills in some local government to carry extensive assignment of fiscal decentralization and degree of dependency from central government on financing local government responsibility. Nevertheless, Schroeder argued that based on diversity that Indonesia had, fiscal decentralization had potential advantages for Indonesia e.g. on what way Jakarta would know people of Papua preferences unless there is representative elected government either executive or legislative that presumably know better of people of Papua preferences.

Smoke (2001) in Fiscal Decentralization in Developing Countries: A Review of Current Concepts and Practice highlights some findings. This thesis found interesting facts that discovered not only benefits but also negative of fiscal decentralization especially for developing countries and these facts are quite different with Prud`homme (1994) of On Danger of Fical Decentralization that emphasized only the dangers or demerits of fiscal decentralization not only for developing countries but also for developed countries.

Wave of decentralization in developing countries is relatively huge. Despite of its benefit or positive impact are still debatable especially on outcomes of most important of public policy, many developing countries are eager to implement decentralization policy. There are variations of opinions which are conclude that decentralization generates benefit, second conclude that decentralization is adding another problem to developing countries and the large numbers of them are ambiguous to conclude whether decentralization is benefited or demerit to developing countries.

Faguet and Sánchez (2006) in Decentralization’s Effects on Educational Outcomes in Bolivia and Colombia are focus on two countries which are Bolivia and Colombia that overall had similar condition in implementing decentralization policy background. Most developing countries are highly centralized and none of them held general election for governor and mayor. Central government explicitly pointed that president directly chosen governor or mayor (in Indonesia most governor and mayor are active or retired military during authoritarian or military regime held by President Suharto).

They are using quantitative to approach the relationship between decentralization and education. Most of the data are from government agency. Firstly authors examined using descriptive statistic analysis. In Bolivia, they found that decentralization seems to have changed the sectoral uses of investment and its distribution across space. Central government highly invested in economic driven sector such as infrastructure and energy. Whereas local government highly invested in social sector and the highest was in education, followed by rural development and water and irrigation. In distribution, local government was doing properly normal distribution whereas central government not.

Moreover, they made regression between government spending both central and local government and literacy rate. The line was negative relation between central government spending of education and literacy rate; it means that central government spending was negatively effect to literacy rate. While local government spending of education has had positive regression.

In Columbia, Faguet and Sánchez (2006) were doing the same thing which was descriptive statistic analysis. The result quite different where central government also spending relatively significant spending in social sector health and education and also did local government. Lastly, in Columbia they made comparison before and after decentralization of school enrollment and the result there was tendency that school enrollment has increased after decentralization. However using descriptive statistic analysis authors made not clear measurement for both cases.

To discover the facts clearly, Faguet and Sánchez (2006) formulated model to test the significance of decentralization to education. Because they argued that descriptive statistic analysis is not appropriately discovering the facts. In both countries, they found that significantly decentralization was fostering education. Decentralization was driven local government to more responsive for local needs. In Bolivia, public spending after decentralization was shifted from economic dimension expenditure to social expenditure such education and health. In Columbia, it was significantly decentralization made more children goes to school. Decentralization was empowered for those municipals that considered as poor municipal. So they can afford appropriately education using only their budget. Before decentralization, small and rural municipalities were being ignored by central government. So when decentralization was occurred those small and rural municipalities conducted relatively responsive to local needs. However, author did not find any discussion how small and rural municipalities could afford their education budget. If their condition is rural and in remote area it is probably that their economic activities are considerably poor and do not have sufficient sources. They should describe what kind of policy of decentralization in both countries.

Faguet and Sánchez (2006) concluded that the importance of systems before decentralization occurred which contributed significantly to the successful of decentralization. There was marking of central government policy conducted before decentralization implemented. If before decentralization central government did allocate resources to local government appropriately it would be better initial investment for local government in decentralization period.

Compared with Indonesia, poor provinces and municipals they received relatively low transfer fund from central government because there is not enough resources to share. It is different with provinces and municipals whose had sufficient natural resources and considered as tourism site, trading point and another services activities they had sufficient amount of fund that transfer from central government.

Economics is science that mostly focuses on how to allocate resources within a country. Recent development on how efficiently to allocate public goods is to apply decentralization either in economically or in politically. Currently, development of decentralization is to match with public preferences or market friendly as authors (Lindaman and Thurmaier (2002)) implied in their articles when they classified decentralization in three waves of decentralization. And Lindaman and Thurmaier (2002) in Beyond Efficiency and Economy: an Examination of Basic Needs and Fiscal Decentralization are trying to assess the effect economic aspects of decentralization i.e. fiscal decentralization on fulfilling human basic needs.

To capture the relationships, they are using quantitative methodology. They form hypothesis: higher achievement of basic needs objectives is, in part, a function of increased fiscal decentralization, increased national income, and the structure of government. It means that increase of fiscal decentralization, national income and structure of government will foster higher achievement of basic needs. Dependent variable of the model is human development index. Then independent variables are consist of three measurement of fiscal decentralization. Firstly, "DecenWAS" is the ratio of subnational expenditures, divided by total government expenditures less national social security and military expenditures. "DecenBHL," which follows from Bahl and Nath and is the ratio of subna- tional revenues-including intergovernmental grants from the central govern- ment-divided by total government revenues less international aid grants to the central government. And the third, "DecenREV" is the ratio of sub-national revenues-excluding intergovernmental grants from the central gov- ernment, divided by total government revenues less international aid grants to the central government.

Finally authors` model is HDI = B0 + B,(DECEN) + B2(ColHistS) + B3(ColHistF) + B4(ColHistB) + B,(Ebloc) + e, where HDI is the human development index; DECEN is either the DecenWAS, DecenBHL, or DecenREV decentralization term, scaled as a percentage, for 1985, 1990, and 1995; ColHistS is a dummy variable for Spanish colonial history; ColHistF is a dummy variable for French colonial history; ColHistB is a dummy variable for British colonial history; and Ebloc is a dummy variable for countries of the former Soviet Union and Eastern bloc.

The result of their regression is significantly and positively supports their argument that fiscal decentralization fostered high achievement in meeting basic human needs in term of high literacy rate. Their results provide evidence of a significant relationship between greater fiscal decentralization and better performance on measures of basic needs such as health and education. Authors argued that increasing fiscal decentralization appears to increase achievements in basic needs. Furthermore they pronounced that fiscal decentralization in terms of own-source revenue has the strongest positive effects on basic needs.

Their model provides a foundation for further research into the question of whether decentralization benefits basic-needs objectives in some quantifiable way. Because they argued that decentralization benefits are intangible or otherwise unquantifiable and their study does not address that issue. Certainly much more research must be done to verify the evidence presented in this study. More studies conduct could verify whether decentralization is an exercise in administrative reorganization or a means to a better life for the citizens of developing nations.

They has developed model that can explain the efficiency and allocative of fiscal decentralization in the sense that delivering of public goods and or public services. Fairly, they do not mention that their effort is not ultimately concluded that fiscal decentralization necessarily is empirically beneficially proved otherwise they implied that to capture real benefit of fiscal decentralization through some quantifiable way.

Kristiansen and Pratikno (2002) in Decentralising Education in Indonesia explored decentralization from political perspective and narrow down especially in decentralizing education in Indonesia. Initially, massive decentralization policy in Indonesia has started from political perspective and was followed by decentralizing in public finance function. Development of education in Indonesia started after its independence and during military regime that was conducted by President Suharto, there were highly intensified concern to develop education especially for elementary education that known as six years education program. However, when financial crisis occurred in 1997 there was enormous demand to reform of Indonesia political system from highly centralized to decentralize.

To explore the topic, they used mix data which were consists of qualitative and quantitative. To study and find empirical result, they chosen four districts or cities or municipals that based on national criteria of one district consists of population on average 500.000 (they were preferable to use district rather city or municipal). In each districts, there are approximately 10 sub-districts which are furthermore divided into administrative villages and sub-villages. Their selections have had different or variation of income per capita, level of urbanization and centrality within national context. Those districts are Kabupaten Bantul, Kota Mataram, Kabupaten Kutai Kertanegara and Kabupaten Ngada.

They employed quantitative and qualitative method to analyze the topic. In three districts which were Bantul, Mataram and Kutai Kertanegara, they conducted focus group discussion that involved various groups with also various different backgrounds (qualitative method). Those groups were legislative members, executives bodies of government, members of NGOs and ordinary parents. In quantitative method, they conducted household surveys in selected sub-districts of each districts using typical criteria of each sub-district. In each of sub-district, they divided into village (desa) and sub-village (dusun). Overall they covered 538 households (in sub-village, they conducted random sampling that not covered all households in each of sub-village and they set up minimum amount households in sub-village involved in households surveyed.

Moreover, they added secondary data from BPS (Biro Pusat Statistik) / Central Statistic Bureau of Indonesia for instance Susesnas / National Census and Survey. However, they doubted its availability and reliability of such data from government agency. And they admitted that their own data also had limitation as follows. In focus group discussion or depth-interviewed, respondents had tendency not telling the truth. School enrollment data probably had over-reported. Indonesia even though in relative free condition after authoritarian regime still had excused criticizing government. They conducted research in initial path of decentralization policy. Respondents judgment and opinion on quality of education should be analyzed carefully. One necessary step was during the interview none of government officer was presence.

Their findings and discussions consisted in three folds which are the administrative aspects and service delivery from the perspective of service providers (using qualitative data), changes in the quality of schooling as perceived by parents, mostly applying data from the surveys, changes in household costs of education, and analyzing school accessibility in terms of geographical distance and financial costs (using mainly quantitative data). In administration and service delivery, bureaucrats, executive and legislative, they were in optimistic mode in collaborating education policy. Those four districts conducted various policies in fostering education. However, outside those parties (bureaucrats, executive and legislative), principals, and teachers as main actor in the field had ambiguous opinion on education policy. In term of education budget, most of district has allocated significant amount of budget range from 30-40% and only Kutai Kertanegara has allocated 4.5% of its budget for education expenditure. And Kutai Kertanegara had significant amount of budget among 4 districts because Kutai Kertanegara had huge revenue shares from natural resources. Press and NGOs were groups that voiced opposite ways. These groups were pressure-group in local area that voiced transparency and accountability in managing education policy.

Uniquely, in quality of education most parents said that education quality was improved after decentralization but most of them also cannot point what indicator to point quality of education. For authors it was unclear evidence. Costs of education were considered had tendency to increase year after year and also after decentralization. Most accessibility to school in four districts study was low. Because of this reason, there was excess to pull out their children from school and help their parents to work (in Bantul especially in sand mining area).

They concluded that there were excess or negative impacts of decentralization policy especially in education. Firstly the devolution of power was not followed by transparency and accountability that could hinder the education policy itself. Secondly most people in those four districts implied that the quality of education was increased but they cannot point what indicator of quality of education. Third, the cost for obtaining education has increased each year. Fourthly accessibility to school was enormous for rural area and remote area people had face obstacles to access school especially in Kabupaten Ngada in Nusa Tenggara Timur province (one of the poor province in Indonesia). They offered policy recommendations which are increasing of government budget in education expenditure and considered as investment not subsidy. Secondly central government spending for education especially in poor province is still needed and together with awareness of transparency and accountability. And the last, they thought it is needed of political education to increase awareness of transparency and accountability in managing of education in local region.

They had conducted quite fair research by spelling its research limitations and not depended on government data. And also they conducted depth discussion in focus group discussion that could obtain real facts in the field. However in policy recommendations are little bit bias because they tend to blaming central government. Author of this thesis argued that decentralization policy means that each of parties central government and local government had their own obligation to managed their own affairs. It is fair to recommend that central government should involve in education mostly in poor province not all provinces.

Bayhaqi (2004) in Decentralization in Indonesia: The Possible Impact on Education (Schooling) and Human Resource Development for Local Regions examined conception of decentralization from political perspective. Author agrees that decentralization is not automatically established well in Indonesia without any supporting derivative policy in finance and political reformed also.
Bayhaqi (2004) considerably discussed widely across some sector that could avoid if he focus on his discussion on decentralization and education. He put some indicator that comparing between Indonesia and its neighboring countries on GDP per capita, number of working forces, education sharing in GDP and so on. Even author also discussed about FDI.

Bayhaqi (2004) described four major problems that could be triggered by decentralization policy as follows. One of the main problems of decentralization, from the perspective of the society, is that it could affect public service delivery, like education and health, especially in the local regions that only have limited resources. It is also because the central government has not made clear regulations regarding the minimum standard of service for public services. The second problem, from the perspective of business, is that decentralization could increase the cost of doing business. Because the local government is being pushed to increase their local revenues, the local governments are reacting by increasing their taxes and levies. Adding more kinds of tax could discourage investment that could further hinder the development of the local governments in the long run. The response is understandable, since local governments and local legislative are narrow-minded in their policy preference. The third problem, from the perspective of policy implementation, it is apprehensive that the local governments do not have sufficient human resources to put into practice their policies. Local governments are eagerly to put more preference towards its local staff which makes sense. However the problem is how to increase the capacity of the local staff in order to increase the capacity of the local government. Fourthly, central government is still having vested interests in controlling the local governments. And most local governments are still dependant on the transfer from central government (either in the form of DAU, DAK or Revenue Sharing), during transitional period most local government policies would still be ‘centralized’ to some extent.

He was using descriptive statistic analysis to approach the relationship between decentralization and education or human resources development. He put some data on education to examine the effect of decentralization on education. But Author observed that those data was too widely and not focused on specific education data. Overall the methodology was not clear to discover the real condition of decentralization and education in Indonesia. Bayhaqi (2004) implicitly had good idea to discuss the topic but he structured the topic inappropriately.

In conclusion part, Bayhaqi (2004) was not clearly answered the main topic of his article. Though he provided solution to education and not discussed properly on decentralization and education. He stated that “ One possible solution in securing education finance probably is by encouraging public participation. The fact that the share of education expenses is relatively low, parents could be encouraged to provide more resources in financing their children’s education. However, parents might be reluctant to do so if they feel that education (especially primary and secondary) is under the responsibility of the state. Local government also could be reacted negatively to increasing public participation in education financing by channeling the budget to other unproductive areas.”

At some points, Bayhaqi (2004) did not understand accurately especially in how local government finance its education budget such teacher salary and so on. Central government does not leave automatically local government as decentralization occurred. There is one responsibility when local government is received authority to manage their affairs locally it is axiom “money follow function”. So when local government had authority politically from election central government also transfer fund to local government to finance its affairs that in decentralization regime became local government responsibility such as education, health, transportation and so on. So “the real picture” is not “spooky” as author described, decentralization is not pure independently to manage locally affairs. There is still exist coordination between central government and local government.

Though points in describing problems, Bayhaqi (2004) has given new perspective to let know author of this thesis that decentralization could be possible generated some problems for Indonesia especially in education. So from these points, author can explore more and catch main problem and provides new idea for other studies.

3. Doubts about Fiscal Decentralization

In searching of empirical work that objectively criticized of theory fiscal decentralization, this thesis found one article that fairly observed and doubted theory of fiscal decentralization. Prud'homme (1994) in On the Dangers of Decentralization has done deeply critics the implementation of fiscal decentralization that had strong root in developed country i.e. United States not automatically fit for developing nations to implement.

Central point of theory of fiscal decentralization lays on efficiency of allocation of resources. To fulfill efficiency of allocation, allocation of resources should follow people preferences in which are different in each municipal. Prud'homme (1994) questioned how local leader that elected by people could automatically understand and know people preferences. And the most important is people vote not in line with party program that is offered during campaign. Prud'homme (1994) argued that people vote in basis of loyalty to party or figure not with program that party or political figure is offered during the campaign.

The reality in developing countries (most of them) is focusing on how to attain basic needs that could be harmful to their own people if government that has obligation to guarantee of provision of basic needs has changed the tool to decentralize system. That means below administrative decentralization, local government is fulfilling of its people preferences. The problem that is recognized by Prud'homme (1994) is the mechanism of letting know the preferences of people in developing countries through local election is hardly to conclude that local general election for electing local executive governor or mayor and member of local representative will be the mechanism in finding people preferences.

Another important point that is expressed by Prud`homme is fiscal decentralization makes burden for macroeconomics stabilization in a country. We can visualize easily: when every single province and municipal had autonomy to manage its local public finance that means they (province government and municipal government) can tax to increase revenue and can borrow money to finance their expenditure, it will be harmful for macroeconomics stabilization.
In the Dilemma of Fiscal Federalism: Grants and Fiscal Performance around the World, Rodden (2002) assessed the risk of being fiscally decentralized especially in macroeconomics. Combinations of autonomy of managing expenditure and autonomy of borrowing after fiscal decentralization would harm macroeconomics stability in a country. And it is possible to create another crisis for a country. Rodden (2002) named it as dilemma of being fiscally decentralized.
In Indonesia, local government can borrow fund to finance its budget to some resources whether issuing local bond or directly borrow from donor countries. However local government should fulfill some requirements that regulated by law so that this borrowing activity not harms macroeconomics stability. The regulation is lesson learnt from what happened in Brazil when many local governmentsborrowed fund that is out of limit of their fiscal capability and created crisis.

4. Overview of Education in Developing Countries

Education is a part of development that is emphasized by many economics theory. Simply credo of economics theory mentions that workforce composition that consists of higher level education would foster development in a country. Therefore, many developing countries are investing significant of fund from their budget to improve their education to foster their development. However, there are still lack

Chilcott (1987) A Critique of Recent Models for the Improvement of Education in Developing Countries are reviewing model of improving education output in developing countries. Twofold models of improvement of education in developing countries are explanatory model and process model.

Explanatory model is focusing on mixing of formal education of western style and informal education. Informal education appears influential because it is embedded from real condition of developing countries that consist of different tribal and different culture. Whereas process model emphasized on highly implementing value of western education in massively reforms regardless there are different background of developing countries and western value.

Glewwe and Kremer (2005) in Schools, Teachers, and Education Outcomes in Developing Countries highlight twofold approaches in improving education outcomes in developing countries which are to overcome education output in developing countries it needs significant amount of fund whether from countries budget or from aid and the opponent emphasizes on reform the systems and curriculum of education in developing countries.

Major issues in improving education in developing countries are whether to increase quantity of school physically or to increase quality of education means that improvement of education curriculum, quality of teacher and providing books. First attempt to improve education in developing countries is increasing number of school physically that also including access infrastructure to school and location of the school. Increasing number of school intends to span number of pupils in rural area to participate in school. At this stage, some problems are arisen. Before thinking of and going to school, most of pupils must solve some constraints e.g. helping their parents at work and cost of attending school such as uniform. Also there is attempt to combine with meal at school. Fulfillment of basic needs in developing countries especially in rural area namely food is more important than education as observed by Glewwe and Kremer (2005).
Second attempt is by improving from quality aspect of education which means that improving pupils test score. There are a lot of choices in order to achieve quality of education in developing countries. Those are by increasing ratios of teacher and students, providing meal supplement, providing textbooks, up grading school tools for example computer and radio for mathematic and improving school environment for example placing school in serene environment.

To sum, improvement of education quantitatively and qualitatively in developing countries especially in rural area are dealing with enormous constraints as emphasized by Glewwe and Kremer (2005). Author argues that for rural area in Indonesia basic need fulfillment, availability of teachers and access to school are most important problems. Crux of provision of education in developing countries is not always relating with education itself but also relating to other aspects outside education.

Thursday, 15 July 2010

Small Note in Industrial Policy

Do we need economy led by command and control i.e. industrial policy steered by government as we observed china nowadays and USSR in old days rather than let industrialist manage their own path to develop their own?

The answer:

As Indonesia`s experience in military regime led by Gen. Suharto, the regime thought that dictatorship government could manage easily industrial path of the country. Yet it went to different way. Cronyism arose and no standard to choose which industry should be supported and how to choose which company is eligible to have support of government.

However, I can see the role of government in the case to regulate what industry should support without pointing directly at company. Furthermore, there is no "consensus" or "jurisprudential guide" what industry at the first development to support.

The bottom-line is it is not easy to conclude that the role of government in industrial policy is really affected to industrial development or not if we referred to scholar of Korea concluded the achievement of Korea`s industry nowadays is "just a lucky".

Beny Trias Oktora
Master of Arts in International Development and Corporation
Staff at Directorate General of Fiscal Balance
Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Indonesia

Monday, 16 November 2009

INDONESIA DEVELOPMENT OF STATE STATUS AFTER ASIA FINANCIAL CRISIS IN 1997: DOES DEMOCRACY BRING POSITIVE OR NEGATIVE IMPACT TO INDONESIA DEVELOPMENT OF STATE STATUS?

Illustration  

Beny Trias Oktora, SE, MA

Head of Subdivision Material Preparation for Monetary Policy at Coordinator Ministry for Economic Affairs   

Introduction

Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 was disaster for Indonesia and at the same time also became blessing in disguise. Why did Asian Financial Crisis in 1997 become blessing in disguise for Indonesia? Because significant reformed in social, economy and politic fields were prompted by the crisis. Those reformed has extensively affected and changed enormously the status quo systems. More announced reforms were in political system particularly in strengthening of separation of power or “Trias Politica”, balance of power and also mechanism of check and balance that have also bolstered degree of democratization in Indonesia.


Now Indonesia is known as world`s third largest democratic country in the world where respectively India and United States as the first and the second. At the same time, Indonesia`s economic performance has been relatively improved. Recently, The Economist has predicted Indonesia as one of golden chance and the media has put Indonesia in basket of the promising countries “BRIC” (Brazil, Russia, India and China) then there will be another “I” in “BRIC”.


This paper aims are to describe what contribution of democratization in particularly after disastrous event Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 whether it is positively or negatively contribution to development of state status of Indonesia and then why Indonesia took different paths that also included democratization in fostering development of state. I argued that individual freedom as one of pillar of process democratization not need to weaken in order to achieve economic growth as one aspects of development of state. Whereas, strengthening individual freedom as part of socio-politic policy has given positive contribution on development of state. Amartya Sen in his book Development As Freedom emphasized that limited evidence support the thesis of Lee of Singapore to weaken individual freedom in order to boost economic growth. Plenty of evidences have already elucidated in North America (United States and Canada) and Western Europe on how important strengthening democracy as socio-politic policy enacted by government to foster development of state. Up to now, North America and Western Europe still utilize democracy as part of building of development of state.


Strengthening and building political institutional play important role in practicing democracy. Democracy in broad sense not only deals with elections for executive and legislative but also deals with building strong political institution. In the past since 1965 to 1997, function of check and balance which should be played by legislative branch was weakened by authoritarian regime (i.e. New Order Regime was conducted by General Suharto). Initially the idea to weaken legislative was to boost economy without time-consuming process and higher cost process of real democracy. But the result, executive branch was ruling without any control and conducting ignoring rule of law. Practices of corruption, collusion and nepotism were rampant, resulting higher economic cost and harming people welfare.


The orderliness of this paper is as follows. Section 2. Research Questions, key research questions provide guidelines to develop this paper. Section 3. Literature Review, I examine scholars` papers and books that closely related to my paper discussion especially topic that discussed about relationships between democracy, development of state and economic development. Section 4. What Is Democracy, I describe the general concept of democracy. Section 5. The Needs of Democracy for Development of State, I examine how important the strengthening of democracy especially in individual freedom and political institutional building as part of development of state policy. Section 6. Data on Democratization and Economic Growth of Indonesia, I analyze data after Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 on Indonesia economic growth and democratization policy that conducted in Indonesia. And finally in Section 7. Conclusion, I conclude my paper that is development of state policy not only involves economic policy imposed by government but also Indonesia government successfully endorsed democratization policy together with economic policy with relatively better result in economic performance and democracy indicator.

Research Questions

Incorporating democracy as factor for development of state is one thing should be done in showing that to be rich such countries do not be afraid to let their people free to have and practice their rights. The thesis stated that beginning of development state necessitated semi authoritarian government or dominated such as Singapore (also known as Lee`s Thesis) was debatable since little evidences provided[1].


To guide my paper, I propose crucial research questions to expand discussion on democracy and development of state. The questions as follows: (i) What the result if economy policy is the first priority in development of state of Indonesia? (ii) What the result if socio-politic is the first priority in development of state of Indonesia? (iii) What the result if economy and socio-politic policies are simultaneously in development of state of Indonesia?

Literature Review

The relation between democracy and economy performance has already attracted many scholars to study whether democratization is function of economic growth and vice versa. The most pronounced is the more develop a country economy in term of economic growth will encourage better democracy degree. Some political economic scientists argued that to develop well democracy degree or level a country should have already had good level of economic development. Economic development in the form of economic growth brought changing in social structure in society that by presence of more of middle class. The role of middle class is very crucial in enhancing democracy. Huber et al (1997) emphasized based on historical analysis that countries had well economic performed positively contributed to development of democracy. Huber et al (1997) has confirmed Lipset (1959) that emphasized on wealthy society as result of economic development has become one of requisites of democracy.


Study on notion that democracy has positively relation on a country economic performance has been evolved. When democracy has established in a country and has been endurance for specified of times it stimulated through some channels (i.e. physical capital, human capital, social capital and political capital) and at the end generated economic growth[2]. Gerring et al (2005) made formulation on how democracy utilizing those channels and resulting economic growth (Gerring et al (2005) found robust that democracy positively generates economic growth).


Using sensitivity analysis De Haan and Siermann (1995) wanted to make robust analysis on relationship of democracy and economic growth (exactly the impact of democracy on economic growth) and concluded that the relationship between democracy and economic performance is not robust. It means that they are doubted on the relationship. However they underlined that it is not necessary to adopt a policy in which democratic rights are repressed. Furthermore, Przeworski and Limongi (1993) found interesting evidence that there was not clear answer whether democracy foster or hinder economic growth. Either a country democracy or authoritarian is not matter at all as long as there is autonomy state role to guide a country to do something for its economic development. Evidences are very clear that postwar (i.e. World War II) some countries are democracy countries and some countries are authoritarian countries and both category has performed relatively well in economic[3].

What is Democracy?

Democracy is free election to choose either representative as legislative or executive branches of power; narrowly explaining what democracy is. However, many political scientists provided broad definition of democracy. Definitely, democracy not always does about election and election is starting points of democracy. Tilly (2007) has classified democracy in 4 approaches: (1) constitutional, (2) substantive, (3) procedural and (4) process-oriented. Constitutional approach thinks intensely about laws that are enacted in order to establish democracy in a country or political activities. On the contrary, substantive approach do not underline on laws of political activities but the real indicator of presence of democracy for instance a country guarantees human welfare, individual freedom, security, equity, social equity, public deliberation, and peaceful conflict resolution. Election is central judgment imposed by procedural approach in valuing whether a country called democracy or not. Competition in election is major consideration especially incumbent should form independent institution who responsible for the election. The last approach process-oriented has certain criteria that should fulfill and they are effective participation, voting equality, enlightened understanding, control of agenda and inclusion of adult.


I highlight that process-oriented approach combines with constitutional approach had representative explanation on democracy. Government takes initiative to enacted constitution that established democracy in formal. Constitution not guarantees automatically democracy will establish. Otherwise in reality the process of democracy should exist. So a country should show the real process of democracy that according to Dahl (2005): elected official, free, fair and frequent elections, freedom of expression, alternative source of information, associational autonomy and inclusive citizenships.

The Needs of Democracy for Development of State: Indonesia Case

Post WW II, common strategy for successful of development of state among developing countries especially in East Asia was performing economic policy, industrial policy, central planning, and government and bureaucrat role. The policies endorsed by government are centrally in economic policy regardless of democratization policy. Excluding China, North Korea and Vietnam that are obviously they are communist countries that automatically expel from democracy countries lists. Common sense of that policy was very reasonable because they should feed their people first regardless their freedom and food and job are most prominent than individual freedom and others criteria of democracy.


Indonesia after President Sukarno was being derived by force by military in 1965 was also taking the same strategy in development of state. General Suharto as authoritarian regime actor underlined on economic policy and continuously started to weaken democracy by simplified on 3 parties only and repressed the different thought exist in public. His political enemies have been repressed by the power of army especially former President Sukarno party PNI and communism party (at the time US highly supported the authoritarian regime in some parts of developing countries in the world to retain spreading of communism also known as cold war). Authoritarian regime at the time seemed to be trend of regime at the time in South East Asia we recalled Marcos of Philippines, Mahathir Muhammad of Malaysia, Suharto of Indonesia, and Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. Singapore and Malaysia now still operate semi-authoritarian regime which held election but the result we can predict the incumbent party is the winner.


For Indonesia establishing democracy is the real needs for development of state strategy. Learning the mistakes from the past in General Suharto regime as authoritarian regime that operated only pretended democracy only resulted corrupt government. The difference between Indonesia and Singapore even though both operated authoritarian regime at the time Lee Kuan Yew has had highly commitment and implemented to form clean government despite of its government was (is) considering as authoritarian or semi authoritarian regime. Sort of commitment were not seriously taken by Suharto regime at the time. Bureaucratic machine that should seriously guide the private sector in developing economic development of the country was failed and became source of inefficiency because of gigantic web of corruption inside the government.


I observed that the control mechanism was (is) not worked. The power was centralized in one actor President Suharto. The presence of election even continuously in 5 years term for electing representatives were only procedural and automatically rejected as fair and competitive elections. Family relation, relative’s relation and friendship to authority were main mode if Indonesian people would like to start business and to hold certain high level job in government or even lower job. Suharto himself also has practiced this mode. Accumulation of corruption, crony and nepotism modes have been unsatisfied opponent group who did not agree of kind of practices.


Considering of diversified of conditions of Indonesia in term of ethnic, religion, culture, and even languages, one mode that could unify those differences is democracy. Principle of democracy that benefit to economy is surveillance or control function conducted by people representatives in parliament. Government as executive in strong democracy country cannot practice inefficient economy and force to practice in accountability and transparency. When efficient economy together with accountability and transparency could generate benefit for economy.


Post Asia Financial Crisis in 1997, several reform in politic has conducted that centralized in strengthening political institution such as allowing establishing parties besides three parties that have already existed regardless the platform of the party (exclude the communist ideology), removal army representatives in Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (the House of Representative), forbidding army in election as voters and also being elected and freedom of press or media. For the first time, successfully held and relatively stable presidential election, Indonesia President was elected directly by people in 2004.


Democratization in Indonesia obviously is needed when and also responded on considered of heterogeneity condition of Indonesia to become part of development of state strategy. Uniquely democratization also have had significant contribution in inducing clean government because Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat / the house representatives have enacted on forming of ad hoc commission in combating corruption which is Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi / Corruption Eradication Commission that adopted the same form of organization and strategy in Hong Kong. With democratization mode, requisite of economic development which is political stabilization and efficiency government (i.e. is still trying to form) could form compared with previous condition without democracy.

Data on Democratization and Economic Growth of Indonesia

At this section, I examine data on democratization in Indonesia based on Freedom House indicators on democracy from year 1997 to 2008. Then I examine data on economic growth of Indonesia based on IMF.



Source: Freedom House organization, I compile the original data from Freedom House website that only consists of survey started from 1997(the Asia financial crisis occurred) to 2008 (current year of survey)


Every year Freedom House one of distinguish nonprofit organization conducts a survey on status of global freedom. Freedom is measured based on the opportunity to act spontaneously in a variety of fields outside the control of the government and other centers of potential domination. Freedom House underlines that political rights is enable people to participate freely in the political process, including the right to vote freely for distinct alternatives in legitimate elections, compete for public office, join political parties and organizations, and elect representatives who have a decisive impact on public policies and are accountable to the electorate and civil liberties allow for the freedoms of expression and belief, associational and organizational rights, rule of law, and personal autonomy without interference from the state.




The survey does not value government performance but generally reflect the interplay of a variety of actors, both governmental and nongovernmental. Each country is consigned a numerical rating—on a scale of 1 to 7—for political rights and an analogous rating for civil liberties; a rating of 1 indicates the highest degree of freedom and 7 the lowest level of freedom.


From the data Indonesia Freedom Status after general election for house representatives members and president and vice president (in local government also general election held for local leader governor for local leader in province and walikota / bupati / major in city and municipal) that started in 2004, Freedom House survey indicated Indonesia status was being improved until 2008.


The hardest condition of economic performance of Indonesia was in 1998 obviously after crisis happened. Economic growth was slightly slumped to -13.2%. The impact of Asia Financial crisis was so enormous and in the region Indonesia truly has had most severe condition both in term of politic, economic and social unrest. After year 1999 to 2008, economic growth was improved.


In 2006 with improving economic growth status of freedom resulted from Freedom House survey also getting increase to become free (F). Government relatively succeeds in foster socio-politic policy and also economic policy. However government has been forced to reform Indonesia political systems by “people power” because of awful experienced in the past. Government was not the only actor and there was nongovernment actor who also concerned to reform the systems.

Conclusion

Indonesia government after Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 has concerned not only on economic policy but also in socio-politic policy. Serial reformed in political institution building have been performed since 1997 until now. Political reform underlined on strengthening political institution in order to separation of power. Separation of power can effectively control the executive from being corrupted.


In Indonesia case, democracy has had important role for development of state strategy. The combinations of socio-politic and economic policies after financial crisis have been proved to foster Indonesia development of state strategy with granted as world`s third largest democracy country in the world (and surprisingly also the number one Muslim country in world that has had practiced democracy in the world). Gradually economic policy that has been already conducted had proved firmly to face current global financial crisis. In economic policy, IMF prescription was absolutely taken by government. Despite of successful of those combinations, Indonesia government must perform extra efforts in combating corruption seriously especially in state prosecutor and police which pillars of law enforcement.


However, debates about whether democracy foster and hinder economic development is still going on using cross countries data. In the case of China and Vietnam, both countries are far from democracy but they act like democracy countries in term of open market policy, continuing involve in free trade arena and reform their economic policy. Then still closed and forbidden political activities of their people except communist party.


The last remark from me, completely development of state should also consider socio-politic policy because people will not satisfy only to replete their biological needs. They need forum or media to articulate their opinion and their thought which is not provided only in university and business forum or activities. Freedom of speech and freedom of press which are part of democracy principles or elements (i.e. individual freedom) are acceptably medium for people to express their opinion and thought. Sen (1999) emphasized on his book Development As Freedom that Western Europe and North America (United States and Canada) have been formed their development of state strategy together with democracy. And the contemporary evidence is India which is having relative well in economic performance and also practicing democracy even when their economic performance was not well like today. I borrow from Rodrik (2001) in Development Strategies for The Next Century, he argued that:


“Economic development ultimately derives from a home-grown strategy, and not from the world market. Policy makers in developing countries should avoid fads, put globalization in perspective, and focus on domestic institution building. They should have more confidence in themselves and in domestic institution building, and place less faith on the global economy and blueprints emanating there from”.


Being confidences to tackle its problems with its own characteristics are indispensable. My suggestion is practicing real term democracy is as essential as practicing appropriate economic policy.

References

Arat, Zehra F. 1988. Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited. Comparative Politics, Vol. 21, No. 1 (Oct., 1988), pp. 21-36 Published by: Ph.D. Program in Political Science of the City University of New York Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/422069 Accessed: 26/09/2009 10:38.


Dahl, Robert A. 2005. What political institutions does large-scale democracy require? Political Science Quarterly. Volume 120 Number 2 Summer 2005.


De Haan, Jakob and Clemens L. J. Siermann. 1995. A Sensitivity Analysis of the Impact of Democracy on Economic Growth. Empirical Economics (1995) 20:197-215.


Freedom House Foundation. Freedom World Survey 1997 to 2008. http://www.freedomhouse.org//.


Gerring, John, Philip Bond, William T. Barndt and Carola Moreno. 2005. Democracy And Economic Growth: A Historical Perspective. World Politics 57 (April 2005), 323–64.


Huber, Evelyne, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and John D. Stephens. 1993. The Impact of Economic Development on Democracy. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 7, No. 3 (Summer, 1993), pp. 71-86. Published by: American Economic Association. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2138443 Accessed: 26/09/2009 10:43.


International Monetary Fund. World Economic Outlook 1999. http://www.imf.org//.


International Monetary Fund. World Economic Outlook 2000. http://www.imf.org//.


International Monetary Fund. World Economic Outlook 2003. http://www.imf.org//.


International Monetary Fund. World Economic Outlook 2005. http://www.imf.org//.


International Monetary Fund. World Economic Outlook 2009 - April 2009. http://www.imf.org//.


Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1959. Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy. The America Political Science Review, Vol. 53, No. 1 (Mar., 1959), 69-105. America Political Science Association.


Papaioannou, Elias and Siourounis, Gregorios. Democratization and Growth. London Business School.


Persson, Torsten and Tabellini, Guido. 2006. Democracy and Development: The Devil in the Details. The American Economic Review, Vol. 96, No. 2 (May, 2006), pp. 319-324. Published by: American Economic Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30034666 Accessed: 26/09/2009 10:47.


Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi. 1993. Political Regimes and Economic Growth. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 7, No. 3 (Summer, 1993), pp. 51-69. Published by: American Economic Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2138442 Accessed: 26/09/2009 10:50.


Rodrik, Dani. 2001. Development Strategies for The Next Century. Harvard University August 2001. An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the conference on "Developing Economies in the 21st Century: The Challenges to Globalization," organized by the Institute of Developing Economies (IDE), JETRO, in Chiba, Japan, January 26-27, 2000, and is forthcoming in World Bank, Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics 2000, 2001.


Schmitter, Philippe C. and Terry Lynn Karl. 1991. What Democracy Is. . . And Is Not. Journal of Democracy Vol. 2, No.3 Summer 1991.


Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development As Freedom. Anchor Books, A Division of Random House, Inc. New York.


Tilly, Charles. 2007. Democracy. Cambridge University Press 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York.


The Economist. 2009. Special Report Indonesia. The Economists. http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displayStory.cfm?story_id=14391414.


Touraine, Alain. 1997. What Is Democracy? Translated by David Macey. Westview Press A Member of the Perseus Books Group.


[1] (Sen 1999, 15) Sen argued that Lee`s thesis only provided little evidence.


[2] (Gerring et al 2005)


[3] (Przeworski and Limongi 1993, 65)


[4] PR stands for Political Rights and CL stands for Civil Liberty. The scale ranges from 1 to 7 which is 1 is the best score and 7 is the lowest score. Status consists of NF stands for Not Free, PF stands for Partly Free and F stands for Free.



Friday, 6 November 2009

Civil Society From A Historical Perspective


Civil Society From A Historical Perspective
By Jürgen Kocka

Summarized by Beny Trias Oktora
Master of Arts (MA) Candidate Major in International Development and Cooperation Graduate School of International Studies Korea University

Civil society is most likely ideal condition for better life of human. On which way or means that could guide to bring civil society, I argued that only with democracy. Because the conception of democracy can carry synchronizing of different kinds of ideology, ethnics, religion and so on that are exist in society. From the ancient society until modern life nowadays, most of people dream of the presence of civil society. Why? Because I argued that civil society consigns equality, tolerance, and rule of law as main frame. The terminology of civil society has been known for century since Aristotle to millennium era. Civil society also has been up and down its popularity in human life history.

Civil society tends to become social movement especially in western society that emphasized on social movement such environment protection, human rights abuse and anti war movement. In developing countries also civil society movement translated into movement against anti-democracy government or authoritarian regime. For instance in Indonesia, many civilian leaders involved in demonstration against authoritarian regime.

The rise of economy concern has brought different dimension for civil society. Free market economy and civil society nowadays or in the beginning of 21st century has been scrambled each influence. Most of people that are reflected from some transition nation in ex Soviet Union parts and also communism countries like Vietnam and China are implementing free market economy because they are strongly believe that free market economy will bring prosperity to their people. For newly industrial countries such as Japan, South Korea and ASEAN countries (probably) they are trying to implement civil society as their economy has already reached mature condition or they have enjoyed the benefit of economy.

On the other hand, free market economy condition or policy offered inducement for formation civil society. Author mentioned about decentralization of economy as one cause on how civil society can grow. Author emphasized that capitalism has different kinds. I argued that capitalism is the same everywhere. Because capitalism concern is only for profit orientation and ignored other things. Capitalism behavior is relatively the same; they are searching for low cost production and higher profit. And the most common capitalism behavior is exploited cheaper labor. This behavior is violated the principle of civil society and any remedy using CSR is debatable whether it is useful or not.

Strong state in term of government that formed using democracy mechanism tends to have commitment to build civil society rather than anti-democracy or authoritarian regime. Thanks to devolution of power in democracy country so that each power in the country cannot pose policy that harmed to their people because there is other power in the state that could deny the policy as they check the policy.

Middle class is one major actor who plays significant role to form civil society is debatable. The reality nowadays showed us different fact. In Indonesia, local NGOs or International NGOs that have branch in Indonesia such as Transparency International Indonesia has high commitment in building on strengthening law enforcement by advocating transparency issue in government field. Religion organization that has moderate view also has high commitment to build civil society.

Are Western Europe and North America: United States and Canada example of Civil Society? They can call civil society when they treated their own citizen. But when they attack another country I conclude that they are not civil society particularly their government. Because their government is formed based on political party that has group interest for example Republican Party in United States tends to be for the haves that have interest in building their wealthy by making war. Civil society like other concept that exports from western to eastern have different way to being adopted by eastern. That is why the process of how to implement the concepts in each country has different ways. Even in western parts, the ways they implement the concept of civil society has different path.

Combinations of interest group such as political party and bad government will challenge of the formation of civil society. Especially in country at which the maturity of political and law enforcement are being questioned. For example Indonesia, even though nowadays Indonesia had granted as world`s third largest democracy in the world, law enforcement and bad management of government problem still exist. Democracy is one step and the other steps of creation of civil society still needed a lot of efforts to do. Democracy is not given guarantee that automatically the government has commitment to build civil society. Generally the dream of civil society is still future concept or utopia.

Wednesday, 4 November 2009

Was Development Assistance a Mistake?

Was Development Assistance a Mistake?
By William Easterly
Summarized by Beny Trias Oktora
Master of Arts Candidate (MA) Major in International Development and Cooperation 2009, Graduate School of International Studies, Korea University

1.
Introduction


Do rich countries have serious attention in helping poor countries? If yes why their economic development prescription for poor countries seems look like not fully serious attention and followed by crisis in 1980s in Latin America and in 1997s in East Asia. Those prescriptions were truly and especially endorsed by international finance and development organization (i.e. the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund). Furthermore, I argued that Western countries (i.e. most of Western European and North America countries: US and Canada) have already failed to give development assistance for poor countries in term on providing serious assistance in helping how to develop economic. They should learn from their mistaken when they colonized Africa and most parts of Asia. They thought they know everything and they should unloose their mind as imperialist and start to think in a different way.


Author builds this article based on three assumptions: We Know What Actions Achieve Economic Development, Our Advice and Money Will Make Those Correct Actions Happen and We Know Who “We” Are on examining how development assistance is working. At the end, those assumptions brought development assistance into mistaken. Author surprisingly argued to criticize the old problems attached on international finance and development organization.


2. We Know What Actions Achieve Economic Development


The changing pattern of economic development of prescription that are endorsed by international finance and development organization (i.e. World Bank and International Monetary Fund) and its economists have been coloring for economic development of poor countries. First after World War II to 1970s, those economists were very confident with their prescription a simple matter of raising the rate of investment to Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Second, they said first prescription simple sufficient but not enough and put new ingredient the importance of institutions such as property rights, contract enforcement, democratic accountability, and freedom from corruption. In the last decades, economists become confused on sort of formulation of good prescriptions on how to give economic growth to poor countries. They cited that there are success story at which countries had implemented the Washington Consensus (i.e. combinations of free market policy and institutional building) and on the other hand there are also success story on combinations of authoritarian and economic growth.


Finally, economists have confessed that they do know how to achieve growth but they have admitted cannot guarantee their prescriptions will succeed to develop of economic of poor countries. I argued that economists of the World Bank and IMF were too late to apprehend that their prescriptions are not fit for all poor countries in general because each country had their own characteristics.


3. Our Advice and Money Will Make Those Correct Actions Happen


The effects of aid on economic growth in poor countries are unclear. Especially in Africa continent, author emphasized that aid failed to spread effect for growth. Many or probably most of Africa countries received greater aids to induce economic growth. Economists cited that Korea as example the successfully utilizing aids as tool to boost their economy. Robustness of aids effects on economic development or simply economic growth are debatable and also empirical evidences are quite less.


The worse fact that is not clear mechanism to evaluate the effectiveness of aid assistance to foster economic development or no feedback mechanism to value that aid assistance is successfully targeted or not. Also aid assistance does not attach recipient countries with appropriate means to comment about what necessary aid assistance for them. As the results, aid assistance not achieved the real target for instance the good school building without textbooks and even the worse without teacher and so on. Simply state that no bottom-up approach that has already implemented in aid assistance.


4. We Know Who “We” Are


Author feels that term of “We” is placed in blur domain. Who is the most responsible for development? Experts in development? No one can ensure that experts can formulate such policy that could help poor countries to develop their economy. Author cited some greatest scholars argued doubted that experts easily can formulate thesis for changing situation in poor countries. Author final remark in this section experts efforts still have been asked to contribute is very unclear.


Experts’ efforts should consider bottom-up approach rather than their creative thinking because the real condition is the field not in experts head.


5. Conclusion


Overall this article seems to be confession of wrong formulation of international finance and development organization (i.e. the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund) and overconfident of rich country economists in giving advice and assistance of development to poor countries. My suggestion is very obvious that international finance and development organization: the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund need to conduct reform to formulate clearly policy on development and unleashing from greater influence of interest group.


I cite from Rodrik (2001) in Development Strategies for The Next Century, he argued that “Economic development ultimately derives from a home-grown strategy, and not from the world market. Policy makers in developing countries should avoid fads, put globalization in perspective, and focus on domestic institution building. They should have more confidence in themselves and in domestic institution building, and place less faith on the global economy and blueprints emanating there from”. Being confidence to tackle its problems with its own characteristics are indispensable. Thus it is not necessary to conclude that development assistance not important as long as there are significant reforms in the way of developments assistance policy is formulated and what experts approach in formulating advice for poor countries.